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2004-FCY-6E
Children can take different pathways into their first lone-parent family episode: they may be born into it, or arrive there at some point during childhood when their parents separate or, more rarely, when a parent dies. As mentioned earlier, the pathway has a strong influence on their experience of lone-parent family life and on their subsequent family trajectory. An earlier report documented the rapid rise, during the 1970s and 1980s, in the proportion of children experiencing life in a lone-parent family and at an increasingly early age (Marcil-Gratton and Le Bourdais, 1999). Increasing rates of separation and divorce among parents establishing families during this period was the principal motor of change; data from Cycle 3 of the NLSCY makes it possible to update this information and evaluate whether this trend continued among children born in the early 1990s. It is too early, however, to assess what additional impact the growing proportion of children born to a lone parent during the late 1990s will have on the overall risk of lone-parent family life, as children from these cohorts are still too young to have experienced their parents' separation.
For the sake of clarity, we separate the two pathways into lone-parent family life, restricting the first analysis to the most common entry, via parental separation. We then expand the analysis to include the other pathways into lone-parent family life, through the death of a parent or through a birth outside a union. In both cases, we compare the experience of children from the oldest NLSCY cohorts (born in 1983-84), with that of children born five years later (1988-89) and ten years later (1993-94), up to the age of 15, 10 and 5 years respectively. Trends are then examined for Canada as a whole and for the different regions.
Figure 2.1a presents the cumulative proportion[6] of Canadian children, born within a marital or common-law union, who experience their parents' separation. Comparing the different cohorts shows:
For children born within a union, their parents' separation almost always marks the beginning of an episode in a lone-parent family. The growing minority of children born to a single mother also start life in this type of family. Figure 2.1b presents the cumulative percentage of children who experience a first episode in a lone-parent family, either because they were born outside a conjugal union, or following their parents' separation, once again comparing the experience of older and younger children.
The curves are similar to those in Figure 2.1a, but start at a higher level due to the proportion of children born outside a union and therefore living in a lone-parent family from the start (age 0 years).
The last section suggests a widening gap between the different regions of Canada with regard to the matrimonial context within which families are established. Do these differences extend to the durability of the family units within which children are born? Is separation more common in regions in which marriage has lost the most ground? The cumulative proportions of children whose parents separated by their tenth birthday are presented in Figure 2.2a by region of Canada. The experience of children born between 1983-85 is compared with that of those born only six years later, between 1989-1991. This comparison shows:
In addition to the proliferation of births to cohabiting couples in the 1980s, the previous section also showed growth and provincial variations in the rate of out-of-union births—the second gateway into life in a lone-parent family. Figure 2.2b shows how adding this alters the image of lone-parent family life given when parental separation alone is considered. First, including out-of-union births raises the probability of life with a lone-parent across the board. Among the 1983-85 cohorts, at least one-fifth of children had already lived with one biological parent by the age of ten years in all regions. In British Columbia, Quebec and the Atlantic provinces, this was the case for more than one-quarter of children.
Beyond this, however, it is interesting to note that the addition of out-of-union births reduces inter-regional variations considerably, as a high proportion of out-of-union births in some regions compensates for low rates of separation, and vice versa.
This analysis shows clearly that, although the vast majority of children are still born within a conjugal union, the proportion of children spending their entire childhood with both biological parents fell rapidly during the 1980s and remained at this level in the following decade. Many children share a residence with both parents for only the first part of their childhood, and the duration of this episode also declined rapidly during the period. Despite the leveling off of separation rates during the 1990s, the rise in the proportion of out-of-union births suggests that the proportion of children experiencing life in a lone-parent family will continue to rise.