Although, as noted earlier, duty counsel was available to help all accused, regardless of financial eligibility, at first appearance – the stage in the criminal process where the largest number of unrepresented accused might be found, according to our key informants, was at first appearance. Their general estimate was that approximately 50 percent of accused did not have representation at their first appearance. Further, some key informants noted that few accused consulted a lawyer prior to the day of their first appearance or arrived in court for their first appearance with a lawyer. A significant number of accused relied on duty counsel to guide them through their first appearance – however, some key informants suggested that some accused were so familiar with the process that they didn't require the assistance of the duty counsel.
There was general agreement among our key informants that it was crucial for accused persons to have representation at all stages of the criminal process. Many interviewees noted that an accused needed representation even at the first appearance, where it was important to know one's options before pleading. However, one interviewee pointed out that there was no error that could be made at the first appearance that could not be remedied subsequently.
According to our key informants, there was a tendency for the proportion of unrepresented accused to decrease as they moved through the legal process. It was reported to be extremely rare for accused to be unrepresented at trial, particularly if they were in remand. The proportion of unrepresented accused was believed to drop very sharply after first appearance.
Those denied legal aid who did not risk jail time faced a choice of pleading guilty, representing themselves at trial, or paying for legal assistance. According to some of our key informant in Bathurst, it was not uncommon for accused to plead guilty in such a situation.
There was a consensus among interviewees that the more serious the charge, the more likely the accused was to have representation. Thus, for the most part, unrepresented accused were generally perceived to be charged with less serious crimes.
At early stages of the legal process, there was a tendency on the part of some unrepresented accused to underestimate the seriousness of the charges against them. According to interviewees, these individuals tended to quickly realize how crucial it was for them to have representation. In these situations, the accused were usually able to get representation either through Legal Aid or privately.
As noted above, our key informants in Bathurst were generally of the view that there were relatively few accused who went through the entire process without representation, especially if the charges they faced were relatively serious. At this point, we return to the data from the Disposed Cases sample that indicates the proportions of accused at each appearance who were unrepresented. Figure B-1 displays this information according to the category of the most serious charge in the case.
| Most Serious Charge Category | Proportion of Unrepresented Accused at | Total Number of Cases | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| First (%) | Plea (%) | Defence Election (%) | Final (%) | ||
| Homicide | *** | *** | *** | *** | 6 |
| Sexual Assault | *** | *** | *** | *** | 4 |
| Assaults excl. Common | 50 | 21 | 50 | 43 | 14 |
| Robbery | *** | *** | *** | *** | 4 |
| Break and Enter | 27 | 13 | 29 | 13 | 15 |
| Impaired Driving | 70 | 67 | 70 | 67 | 43 |
| Common Assault | 48 | 30 | 50 | 30 | 23 |
| Drugs excl. Simple Possession | *** | *** | *** | *** | 3 |
| Weapons Offences | *** | *** | *** | *** | 9 |
| Thefts and Frauds | 53 | 40 | 54 | 47 | 58 |
| Simple Possession of Drugs | *** | *** | *** | *** | 9 |
| Offences against Administration of Justice | 57 | 39 | 57 | 41 | 51 |
| Public Order | 92 | 100 | 92 | 92 | 13 |
| All Offences | 54 | 41 | 54 | 46 | |
Notes
Figure B-1 indicates that:
Our key informants believed that, in general, unrepresented accused were likely to be working poor, meaning those who fell outside the financial eligibility criteria for legal aid. They also mentioned individuals who had received legal aid more than twice in the previous two years and were, as a result, ineligible for further coverage.
Figure B-2 displays the representation provided by counsel of various types at each stage of the criminal process. These data indicate that:
| Appearance | Represented by | Number of Cases | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Self (%) | Duty Counsel (%) | Private Counsel (%) | ||
| First appearance | 54 | 29 | 18 | 252 |
| Plea | 41 | 16 | 42 | 232 |
| Defence Election | 54 | 28 | 18 | 249 |
| Final Appearance | 46 | 11 | 43 | 252 |
Notes
Figure B-3 shows the most serious offence charged in cases with different types of representation at the final appearance. These data indicate that:
| Most Serious Charge Category | Proportion of Cases represented by | Number of Cases | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Self % | Duty Counsel % | Private Counsel % | ||
| Homicide | *** | *** | *** | 6 |
| Sexual Assault | *** | *** | *** | 4 |
| Assaults excl. Common | 43 | 0 | 57 | 14 |
| Robbery | *** | *** | *** | 4 |
| Break and Enter | 13 | 13 | 73 | 15 |
| Impaired Driving | 67 | 12 | 21 | 43 |
| Common Assault | 30 | 9 | 61 | 23 |
| Drugs excl. Simple Possession | *** | *** | *** | 3 |
| Weapons Offences | *** | *** | *** | 9 |
| Thefts and Frauds | 47 | 19 | 33 | 58 |
| Simple Possession of Drugs | *** | *** | *** | 9 |
| Offences against Administration of Justice | 41 | 10 | 49 | 51 |
| Public Order | 92 | 0 | 8 | 13 |
| All Offences | 46 | 11 | 43 | |