This section presents the information obtained on the frequency of lack of representation in the Scarborough court. However, it should be noted that most interviewees believed that while there were very few unrepresented accused, there was a serious problem of under-representation in the Scarborough court. This latter perception is explored in a later section.
Given the general perception that not having representation has significant implications for the accused, it is important to understand how frequently self-represented accused appear at different stages of the court process.
It is apparent from data from the Disposed Cases file that it is not a simple matter to categorize cases with respect to presentation received. Since an accused's representation status will often change from one appearance to the next, as for example when an accused may be represented by duty counsel at the bail hearing, but self-represented afterwards – and be represented by privately retained counsel later.
Looking at the pattern of representation over all appearances, it is seen that representation information was not available for four percent of the cases. Of the remainder:
The Direct Court Observation sample captured 472 appearances in first appearance, bail, plea and set date courts over 14 days. At four of those appearances, the court observer could not discern the accused's representation status. Among the remainder:
Key informants suggested that the criminal charges most likely to be faced by unrepresented accused were thefts, stolen goods, mischiefs, assault (including family violence where there was no record or only a minor one) – "cases where the limit for sentence would be six months." In addition, legal aid was rarely granted in cases of shoplifting, "low-level family violence," and drug possession – but many such cases were diverted. Representation was also less likely in "domestics," where the defendant was confident the complainant would not testify.
Finally, legal assistance was less likely to be given in impaired driving cases since it was unlikely that the accused would get a jail sentence. As noted elsewhere, however, in many cases the impact of a conviction could be very serious, especially if the accused could not afford to lose his/her driving licence (for work, or fulfilling parental obligations such as driving children to school).
The Disposed Cases sample provided empirical evidence on the actual proportions of accused at each appearance who were unrepresented. Figure SC-3 displays this information according to the offence category[78] of the most serious charge in the case.
Among the offences that are sufficiently represented to permit comparisons, there was little variance from the overall self-representation rate for all offence types – with the exceptions of impaired driving, which had a high rate of self-representation at plea and final appearance (17 percent and 30 percent); weapons offences, which had a high rate of self-representation at disposition (30 percent), and common assault, which had a surprisingly low rate of self-representation at plea (4 percent).
As noted in later sections, those interviewed felt that it was important to have legal representation not only at trial, but at all stages – and especially the earliest stages – of the court process.
| Most Serious Charge Category | Proportion of Unrepresented Accused at | Total Number of Cases(all accused) | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| First (%) | Bail %) | Plea (%) | Final (%) | ||
| Homicide | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a | 0 |
| Sexual Assault | *** | *** | *** | *** | 8 |
| Assaults excl. Common | 4 | 4 | 18 | 16 | 128 |
| Robbery | *** | *** | *** | *** | 4 |
| Break and Enter | *** | *** | *** | *** | 10 |
| Impaired Driving | 3 | 0 | 27 | 25 | 33 |
| Common Assault | 4 | 4 | 4 | 15 | 114 |
| Drugs excl. Simple Possession ** | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a | 0 |
| Weapons Offences | 0 | 0 | 17 | 30 | 10 |
| Thefts and Frauds | 8 | 3 | 13 | 15 | 99 |
| Simple Possession of Drugs | *** | *** | *** | *** | 5 |
| Offences against Administration of Justice | 0 | 0 | 11 | 13 | 36 |
| Public Order | 10 | 0 | 0 | 14 | 21 |
| Miscellaneous Criminal Code | 0 | 0 | 17 | 13 | 15 |
| Other Federal Statutes | *** | *** | *** | *** | 1 |
| Provincial/Municipal Statutes | *** | *** | *** | *** | 9 |
| Unknown offence | *** | *** | *** | *** | 1 |
| Total number of all accused at this appearance | 472 | 195 | 260 | 470 | 494 |
| Proportion of unrepresented accused at this appearance | 5 | 3 | 13 | 16 | |
Notes
That being said, estimates of unrepresented accused (not including those represented by duty counsel) were:
With regard to Aboriginal accused, one service provider suggested that "globally," 25-to-30 percent of Aboriginal accused were unrepresented.
Native Courtworkers reported feeling pressure to assist Aboriginal unrepresented accused with bail hearings, disclosures, pre-trials and other processes requiring legal advice – but their policy was not to provide it.
Figure SC-3 also shows – by offence type – the percentages of accused who were without representation at key stages in the court process, namely, first appearance, bail, plea, elections and final (disposition) appearance.
The Figure suggests that:
Most interviewees agreed that the only demographic difference between unrepresented accused and other accused lay in income, with unrepresented accused most likely to be "people without money" (and without any prior record, which would affect the likelihood of term of imprisonment).
A significant proportion of the accused in the Scarborough court did not understand English well enough to function effectively. Legal Aid Ontario officials suggested that the average reading level of their clientele was Grade 3 or 4.
Mentally disordered accused were more likely to get representation because of their income, but often faced lengthy remands and delays in decisions – while their condition deteriorated (often because medication and treatment was interrupted) – because of transfers between courts, and general lack of expertise in dealing with their unique challenges.
In general, those with mental challenges – and their families – were especially overwhelmed by the process. "Duty counsel do a good job, but don't have the time." The parts of the Criminal Code are also quite complicated and the families often become disheartened when the process does not move along as quickly as they anticipate.
Figure SC-4 shows the representation provided by counsel of various types at each stage of the criminal process. It suggests that:
Figure SC-4. Disposed Cases: by Type of Representation by Appearance Type, Scarborough
| Appearance | Represented by | Total: All Types of Representation (including self) | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Self (%) | Duty Counsel ** (%) | Private Counsel (%) | Other***(%) | ||
| First appearance | 5 | 71 | 21 | 4 | 472 (101%) |
| Second appearance | 9 | 57 | 33 | 1 | 452 100%) |
| Third appearance | 9 | 49 | 41 | 1 | 408 100%) |
| Appearance | Represented by | Total: All Types of Representation (including self) | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Self (%) | Duty Counsel ** (%) | Private Counsel (%) | Other***(%) | ||
| Bail | 3 | 77 | 20 | 1 | 195 (101%) |
| Plea | 14 | 24 | 62 | 1 | 260 (101%) |
| Final appearance | 16 | 22 | 61 | 1 | 470 (100%) |
Notes
Figure SC-5 (in the following subsection) on the following pageshows the most serious offence charged in cases with different types of representation at the final appearance. It suggests that:
[78] See Appendix A of Chapter 2 for a listing of the offences contained in each of the "offence categories."