The French Revolution and the organization of justice

From these demonstrated truths there emerges the following draft Constitution for judicial power:[3]

Constitution of Judicial Power[4]

Title I
Of The Courts And Judges In General

Title II
Of The Courts And Of Judges In Civil Proceedings

Title III
Of The Courts And Of Judges In Criminal Proceedings

Title IV
Of The Courts And Of Judges In Relation To Police Matters

Title V and last
Of The Election And Appointment Of Judges

Gentlemen, that ends our work on the constitution of judicial power.

It is with regret that, in dealing with the constitution of this power, we were forced to propose an arrangement that is completely different from that which has been established for so long among us.

If it would have been possible simply to make improvements, rather than destroying in order to rebuild from the start, we would have done so all the more willingly since the nation has undoubtedly not forgotten everything it owes to its judges; how salutary, in times of trouble and anarchy, their wisdom has been; the extent to which, in times of despotism and when authority, ignoring all limits, threatened to encroach on all rights, their courage, their firmness, their patriotic devotion have been useful to the cause, which always tended to be ignored, of the people; with what devoted care they strove to maintain in our midst, by preserving the old maxims of our forefathers, that spirit of liberty that is found today in all hearts in such an astounding and such an unexpected manner.

On the basis of this thought, perhaps it would be appropriate if the National Assembly did not promulgate at this time any part of the Constitution in a definitive way, not even the Declaration of Rights, a much more important and much more difficult project than people imagine; if, instead, it merely approved, rejected or modified that project and issued an absolute judgment solely when the work on each point of the Constitution has been completed and it will be possible to present as a single whole the development of all the principles that guided those who drafted it.

So much effort in the cause of preventing evil certainly deserves a great measure of gratitude from us.

Unfortunately, when we are asked to lay lasting foundations for the prosperity of an empire, it is not gratitude that we crave but rather justice. It is not what we owe to many but what we owe to all that may become the rule of our deliberations, and the judges themselves would chastise us certainly if, prevented by the respect we profess to have for them, we failed to perform the whole of the task that has been given to us.

We should not hide this fact, and the principles that we have developed will make this only too obvious, but present circumstances require another judicial order than that which we have respected for so long. Our judiciary was strongly designed to resist despotism, but now that there no longer is despotism, if our judiciary retained all the power of the institution, the use of this power could easily endanger our liberty.

It is accordingly essential that an absolute revolution take place in the system of our courts, but it will take time and other institutions must anyway be prepared before you can consider the new judicial order that has been proposed to you.

However, an empire has never found itself in such a more deplorable state of dissolution than ours. All relationships have been broken, all authorities are ignored, and all powers are destroyed. All institutions are overthrown with violence, all manner of sacrifices are audaciously ordered, all duties are breached with impunity, each day brings to light new excesses, new prohibitions, new acts of vengeance. Crime is increasing everywhere, and whenever the banner of liberty is now raised among us, it is covered with blood and tears.

In the midst of so much disorder and anarchy, and at a time when there was never such a need for justice to be deployed with a more imposing machinery, what is there left for you to do? What you have already done in part, gentlemen, but what you did not do in a way that was sufficiently explicit. You still have to request a last act of patriotism from these same judges who, on so many occasions, have given us such brilliant evidence of their love for the public weal. Like us, they see that the provinces want a new judiciary and that by proposing to you a new arrangement of judicial power, we are merely bowing to the widely expressed view of our principals. They cannot therefore hide the fact that a revolution in the administration of justice has become inevitable, but, like us, they see that if, until this new judiciary is established, the courts remain without jurisdiction, it will be impossible to calculate the ills of all kinds that such inaction will produce. However, they are citizens as they are judges, and you must therefore invite them to support with all their strength the efforts that you are making to restore peace among our fellow citizens. It also seems to us that they will hasten all the more to respond to your invitation when they can achieve true grandeur at the very moment when the nation requires them to make substantial sacrifices, to look to the public weal with as much enthusiasm as if their devotion were to secure for them either a more powerful authority or more extensive prerogatives.

That is not all. The judges can do nothing on their own if the strength of the public does not support them. It would therefore be more convenient to give to the public all the power it requires to act effectively. I may be permitted here to express my personal opinion. I shall no doubt not be accused of not loving liberty, but I know that not all movements of peoples lead to liberty. But I know that great anarchy quickly leads to great exhaustion and that despotism, which is a kind of rest, has almost always been the necessary result of great anarchy. It is therefore much more important than we think to end the disorder under which we suffer. If we can achieve this only through the use of force by authorities, then it would be thoughtless to keep refraining from using such force. May no one say to me that this force can again become dangerous. First, I do not know why, but I think that men who always distrust are born for servitude; that trust is the attribute of great characters, and that it is only for men with great characters that Providence has created liberty. Then, what will we have to fear when all citizens are at their post, when a profound revolution has occurred in social customs, when the prejudices that we obey are no longer anything but ancient errors, when, by dint of experience, we unfortunates have managed not merely to realize this but to feel that we can be happy only with liberty? Let us leave there, then, all these pusillanimous fears, and when we have an incalculable number of means to bring to perfection the task that we have begun, let us no longer suffer the disorder that we have an interest as well as a duty to prevent. May the leader of this empire, this king whom you have just proclaimed so justly and with such solemnity as the restorer of French liberty , agree with you in restoring calm in our provinces so that, by your combined efforts, by joint supervision, the days that follow will not be marked by desolation, that for the honour of humanity, this revolution shall be peaceful and that in future the good that you are called to do will, if possible, leave in the soul of each of your fellow citizens neither bitter regret nor painful memories.

Note - This text is a translation from the French. The French version comes from the original edition of the report (Paris, Baudouin, imprimeur de l'Assemblée nationale, 1789).